France, Germany and the UK, the industrial and intellectual powers of the early 20th century, are struggling to achieve economic momentum, against a threatening political backdrop where largely new parties from the right (Reform, AfD and Rassemblement) are hovering over these democracies. A common thread between the three countries is a lack of political and policy coherence.
This is not a problem for China, which whilst becoming even more autocratic, and has a policy mechanism that has served it well called the Plenum, which is held seven times during the five yearly policy making cycle that aims to set the long-term direction of the development of China by the Communist Party. Unlike the theatrical Labour and Tory party conferences in the UK, the Plenum is a sober affair.
Amidst the generalised chaos of Western politics in recent weeks, China held its most recent Plenum a week ago, of which there has been relatively little Western coverage. The object of the Plenum, a closed-door meeting between 370 Communist Party Central Committee members, is to agree and set out the broad (economic) policy objective for the next five years, to which further detail will be added in the new year.
The backdrop to the Plenum is a more sluggish economy than the Chinese leadership would wish for. In particular, the Q3 GDP print was 4.8% Y-o-Y, which comes in just below the government’s 5% target. House prices fell again in September, this time at their fastest pace in 12 months. In addition, retail sales growth slowed and the contraction in property investment was disappointing. The need to boost demand is also an objective that has emerged from the Plenum.
The headline takeaway from the Plenum is that China ‘should achieve greater self-reliance and strength in science and technology’, which in many respects mirrors the path that the US and Europe are taking in developing their technology ecosystems in a strategic, autonomous way.
In more detail, the main thread from the Plenum is the stated objective to build a modern industrial system, which is now given top priority by the Party. This comes against the backdrop of the ‘involution’ policy of paring back excess capacity in existing industrial sectors, such as chemicals.
The new policy will focus on building industries in leading technological segments – from clean energy to AI to semiconductors. Watchwords like intelligence, digitalization, and green transformation—will take policy priority over services (which was a priority in the previous Plenum gathering).
What is interesting is that the strategic competitive nature of the new policy is very much clear, as is the role of the US as the primary competitor. In this respect the Plenum outcome is a clear signal to the US regarding the trade war and restrictions on technology exports to China, and it puts last week’s trade ‘truce’ between the American and Chinese leaders in perspective, suggesting that China is simply buying time until it achieves technological independence from the US and Europe.
The aim then (extending from the previous Plenum) is to make China more like Silicon Valley. My interpretation of all of this is that Xi is shaping China in the form of a more closed state (which makes for a less open world), that curbs the will of those inside, adopts a singularly selfish approach to those outside, and relies on several great strides in technological industrialisation for the prolongation of the ‘China Dream’.
The contradiction here, and specifically between the strands to emerge from the Plenum, lies in an increasingly restrictive social infrastructure on one side and the ambition of a high quality economy. China needs innovation but is creating a socio-political system that smothers it (a number of people have mentioned to me how some of China’s most creative people now live in Japan). This is the fallacy of authoritarian systems. Indeed, one of the facets of the Plenum was the replacement of 11 officials in the Central Committee – the highest number since 2017, most of whom held military roles.
In this respect, Dan Wang’s recent book ‘Breakneck’ is interesting, rather it is much better in its commentary on China than other parts of the world and doesn’t fully do justice to the theory that an engineering led leadership is one of the key sources of China’s economic success. In the book Wang flags the focus on the high-tech sectors of the economy that has surfaced at the Plenum, but also notes China’s appalling failures in social areas – its handling of COVID and of the one-baby policy.
Wang’s view is that China will have little difficulty in finding scientists and researchers to pioneer discovery in fields like quantum computing, and here is the correct. The emerging issue may be finding the entrepreneurs to take and commercialise these technologies, and even more so, to do so on an international scale.
That might be a problem for the next Plenum. For the moment China is focusing on frontier technologies, so much so that the foreign minister of Germany, Johann Wadephul, had to cancel a trip to Beijing, because no-one would meet him.