Quite some years ago, at an evening gathering in Moscow, I had the pleasure of interviewing Natalya Kaspersky (in 1997 she founded the cyber security firm Kaspersky Lab with her then husband Eugene – he and many Kaspersky Lab colleagues had previously worked in the KGB).
I put a question to her regarding the growing number of Russian entrepreneurs, who seemed to thrive in a range of countries – the US, Canada, Germany and so on – but I was surprised by her answer – that the talent of the new entrepreneurial class was entirely due to the Russian state, its educational system and various socio-political institutions.
Today, not unlike both America and China, the Russian state and the notion of entrepreneurship are at odds. Many wealthier, young Russians lurk in Dubai, Cyprus, Georgia or parts of Asia, and the domestic labour market in Russia has been badly damaged by the war in Ukraine. Tellingly in the context of Natalya Kaspersky’s comments, much research talent has been directed into military focused technologies, and more broadly Russia’s ‘War Economy’ has become the only game in town.
This has created opportunities and dependencies for Russia. On one hand, together with China, and Iran, Russia is now a key part of an energy empire – that trades commodities, and builds commodity supply chains for at least one half of the world (India is shifting into this sphere). Both Russia and China have their claws into Africa, in a sinister repeat of what Tom Pakenham called the ‘Scramble for Africa’.
In contrast, Russia’s isolation and mono-sectoral economy leave it heavily dependent on China – some 90% of high-tech imports into Russia come from China, and it is yet unclear what financial support it gets from Beijing. In a week when Argentina’s economy and financial markets spluttered to a halt and triggered a rescue by Washington, Russia risks becoming China’s ‘Argentina’ if that makes sense.
There are however a few lessons for Western policymakers from Russia’s war economy, the first of which relates to debt. An under-remarked point is that Russia’s debt to GDP is only (officially) 20% which at least means it is not constrained by a huge debt burden, unlike the US, Britain, France, China, Italy and Japan. As the historian Niall Ferguson has remarked, no empire that has paid more to service its debt than its military has survived. In the future, indebtedness and military strength will be inter-related.
In 2008, after its partial invasion of Georgia, a post-mortem took place on the relatively poor state of the army (its training, equipment, and tactics) and hence began a modernization process in earnest. Many critics would say that elements of this – such as the structure and training of the army have failed completely, but other elements, notably military technology are a lot better. Germany, Spain, and Italy all need, or are about to embark on modernizations of their armies, while other countries like Ireland will need to remake their armies almost from scratch. In this respect, in a more contested world, there is a premium on getting military modernization right.
The second element of this, which is being felt in cities like Copenhagen, Warsaw and Berlin this week is Russia’s conception of total war. In 2021, a few months before the invasion of Ukraine we wrote (from Great War to Total War )about the now Russian army chief General Gerasimov’s doctrine of total war, which is a view of conflict that covers many strategies such as cyber, border testing, propaganda, and covert attacks, for example. This approach is very much on display across Eastern Europe – the encouragement of discord in Bosnia, the hollowing out of Hungarian politics and in particular the harnessing of Belarus as a form of geopolitical attack dog against the EU.
In this regard, the incursion of drones and jets into European airspace, with the added spice of cyber-attacks, is a sign of Russia stressing and probing European defences, and most importantly, testing the commitment of the US to NATO. My worry is that an accident or an escalation cannot be far off, and the risk that the Ukraine conflict spills into Europe cannot be ignored. Indeed, military planners in Germany and France are warning of the need for thousands more hospital beds to accommodate the casualties that might result from conflict with Russia.
European military planners should focus more on disabling Russia’s economy, which is struggling.
While GDP growth just popped into positive territory, the economy is in a rolling recession of sorts, or at best a period of impoverished stagflation. The labour market, banking sector and consumer sector are points of vulnerability. A longer-term effect is that the potential of the economy is being hollowed out by the effects of military Keynesianism. The US department of war has started to add financial market experts to its strategy teams to plot the vulnerability of enemy economies, Europe should do the same. Its sanctions regime is only half baked, and there is still plenty of low hanging fruit – such as the enablement of Russian oil and gas exports by Greek ship owners, the ongoing flux of Russian money through Austria, Cyprus and other EU states, not to mention the flow of Russian tourists.
Then, there’s plenty more that can be done to disable Russian banks and companies, and to stop proxy trade across parts of Eastern Europe and the ‘Stans’. Europe is already in a shadow war with Russia and will get little help from the current US administration. It needs to focus on Russia’s weak points.
Have a great week ahead, Mike